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7/21/10

“တတိယအင္အားစုကုိ သတိထားေဟ့” (ေအာင္မုိးေဇာ္)

ဒီေန႔ကာလမွာ ေရပန္းစားေနတဲ့စကားေတြရွိတယ္။ ဒါေတြကေတာ့ ျမန္မာ့လူ႔ေဘာင္အဖြဲ႔အစည္းကုိ တိုက္ပြဲမပါပဲ တည္ေဆာက္ႏုိင္တယ္ဆုိတဲ့စကားပဲ။ ဒီစကားေတြဟာ စစ္အစုိးရလက္ေအာက္မွာ သူတို႔ဖန္တီးထားတဲ့ ဥပေဒေတြအတုိင္း ေနရတာေတာင္ ေျပာ, ထြက္လာတဲ့စကားေတြျဖစ္တယ္။ စစ္အစုိးရဟာ ၁၉၉၀ မွာ ျပတ္ျပတ္သားသား အႏုိင္တဲ့ NLD ပါတီနဲ႔ ေစ့စပ္ေဆြးေႏြးေရးကုိအခုထိ ျငင္းေနဆဲလည္းျဖစ္တယ္။ ဒီစကားေတြဟာ ကုလသမဂၢအထူးသံရဲ ႔ မိနစ္ႏွစ္ဆယ္ၾကာေဆြးေႏြးပဲကေန ေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့ကိစၥအေပၚကေန ေပၚထြက္လာတာျဖစ္တယ္။

ဒါ့အျပင္ ယေန႔ကာလမွာ ေရပန္းစားေနတဲ့ အႀကံေပးခ်က္ေတြရွိတယ္။ ဒါေတြကေတာ့ နာဂစ္ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကုိ အကူညီေပးဖုိ႔လုပ္တာေတာင္ ျငင္းဆုိခံရတဲ့မ်က္ႏွာကိုမေထာက္ ႏုိင္ငံျခားအကူအညီေတြကသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ ႔လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္တခုကုိ ဖြင့္လွစ္ေပးႏုိင္တယ္ဆုိတာပါပဲ။

ဒီအယူအဆေတြကေတာ့ ပညာရွင္ေတြ၊ စီးပြားေရးသမားေတြ၊ NGOs ကထိပ္သီးေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ဳိ ႔ ကေန ထြက္လာတာကုိေတြ႔ရတယ္။ ဒါ့အျပင္ တခ်ိဳ ႔ ႏုိင္ငံေရးေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဆီကေနလည္း ၾကားေနရတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြအားလုံးကေတာ့ သူတုိ႔ကုိယ္သူတုိ႔ ယေန႔ႏုိင္ငံေရးမွာ တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိၿပီး အာ, ေနၾကတဲ့ လူေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ယေန႔ ဗမာျပည္ရဲ ႔ကိစၥဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာမွာ အေရးပါတဲ့အခန္းကဏၭတခုျဖစ္ေနၿပီ။ ဒီအခြင့္အလမ္းကုိ တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့ လူတစ္စုဟာ ကုတ္ေသြးစုပ္ေနၿပီ။ ျမန္မာ့လူအဖြဲ႔အစည္းကုိ ျဖည္းျဖည္းေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ တဆင့္ျခင္းေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ေျပာင္းလဲရမယ္ဆုိတဲ့အုိင္ဒီယာကိုလည္း တတိယအင္အားစုေတြက လုိလားေနပါတယ္။

ဒီလူေတြက ႏုိင္ငံတကာကုိ ဒီလုိတုိက္တြန္းေနပါတယ္။

“စစ္အစုိးရနဲ႔ အေလွ်ာ႔ေပးေစ့စပ္ေရးလုပ္ရမယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ အေရးယူပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈ Sanction ေတြကုိ ရုပ္သိမ္းေပးရမယ္။ သူတုိ႔အေၾကာင္းျပခ်က္က Sanction ဟာ စစ္အစုိးရကုိမထိပဲ၊ ဗမာျပည္သူလူထုကုိ ပိုၿပီးဆင္းရဲက်ပ္တည္းေစတယ္လုိ႔ေျပာပါတယ္” ေနာက္ၿပီး တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့ ေရေပၚဆီေတြဟာ ဒီမုိကေရစီလႈပ္ရွားမႈႀကီးရဲ ႔ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ နဲ႔ လုပ္ထုံးလုပ္နည္းေတြကုိပါ စိန္ေခၚေနပါၿပီ။

ဒါတင္မကေသးပါဘူး တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့ ေစာက္ရႈးေတြ ေျပာတာရွိပါေသးတယ္။ NLD မွတ္ပုံမတင္ေတာ့ NLD ဟာ တရား၀င္လႈပ္ရွားလုိ႔ မရေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာပဲ တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့ လေပၚသေရေတြအႀကံေပးခ်က္က-

“ အတုိက္အခံေတြရဲ ႔ႏုိင္ငံေရးအစီအစဥ္ေတြကေန ထြက္သင့္ၿပီျဖစ္တယ္”

ဘာျဖစ္လုိ႔လဲဆိုေတာ့ အထင္ကရျဖစ္တဲ့ NLD မရွိေတာ့ဘူး။ ေခါင္းျပဳတ္ၿပီေပါ့။ ေနာက္ၿပီး တိုင္းျပည္ကုိ Civil Society လို႔ေခၚတဲ့ လူထုအေျချပဳအဖြဲ႔အစည္း (တနည္း) NGOs ေတြက ၀င္ၿပီးေနရာယူလုပ္ကုိင္ရမယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။

ဒါနဲ႔ပက္သက္ၿပီး ထင္ရွားတဲ့ ျပည္ပေရာက္ႏုိင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားသူတစ္ေယာက္က သူ႔အျမင္ကုိ လူသိရွင္ၾကားေျပာတာရွိပါတယ္။ သူက- “ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္နဲ႔ NLD ဟာ သမုိင္းတရာခံျဖစ္ၿပီေပါ့”

ျဖစ္ႏုိင္တာကတခုက တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့လူေတြဟာ လူထုအေျချပဳ လူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းေပၚထြန္းလာေရးကုိ အာရုံစုိက္ၿပီး အေကာင္အထည္မေဖာ္ပဲ NLD နဲ႔ ေဒၚစုရဲ ႔ေနရာကုိလုိခ်င္လုိ႔ ၿပိဳင္ေနတာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

လူထုအေျချပဳလူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္း ( Civil Society) ဟာ တုိင္းျပည္မွာ အမွန္တကယ္လုိအပ္ပါတယ္။ ရွိသင့္ပါတယ္။ Civil Society မရွိသင့္ဘူးလုိ႔ေျပာေနတာမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ ဒီကိစၥကုိ လူတုိင္းလည္းေထာက္ခံပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီကိစၥဟာ ေန႔လည္စာ မွာစားသလုိ ခ်က္ခ်င္းလက္ငင္းရႏုိင္တဲ့ကိစၥမဟုတ္ပါဘူး။ လူထုတုိက္ပြဲထဲကေနေပၚလာတဲ့အရာျဖစ္တယ္။ ျပည္သူ႔ရဲ ႔ေသြး၊ ေခၽြးေတြကုိ ေထာင္ထဲမွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာရင္းႏွီးၿပီးမွ ေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့အရာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။
ဆုိလုိခ်က္ကေတာ့ လူမႈေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈ၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈေတြကေန လူထုအေျချပဳလူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းဆုိတာ ေပၚထြက္လာတာျဖစ္တယ္။


ေနာက္တခုက ဒီတတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့ လူေတြအႀကံေပးခ်က္ကေတာ့ လူထုအေျချပဳလူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းကုိ ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္လႈပ္ရွားမႈႀကီးရဲ ႔ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္နဲ႔စည္းမ်ဥ္းေဘာင္ထဲကေနၿပီး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ႏုိင္တယ္တဲ့အယူအဆပဲ။ ဘယ္လုိလုပ္ၿပီး ၂၀၁၀ -ေဘာင္ထဲကေနလုပ္မလဲ။ ေနာက္ၿပီး ဒီအေျခအေနေအာက္မွာ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မဲ့ လူထုအေျချပဳလူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းရဲ ႔အမ်ဳိးအစားကဘာလဲ။ မယုံမရွိနဲ႔…။ ဒီစကားေတြက ေနျပည္ေတာ္ကေန ေပၚထြက္လာတဲ့အသံေတြပဲျဖစ္တယ္။

တတိယအင္အားစုဆုိတဲ့ ေစာက္ရႈးေတြက ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ကုိ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ ႔ ဒီမုိကေရစီေခါင္းေဆာင္လုိ႔ မသက္မွတ္ခ်င္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာ သူ႔ရည္တည္ခ်က္နဲ႔သူလုပ္ေနတာျဖစ္တယ္။ သူ႔ရပ္တည္ခ်က္ကေတာ့ “ႏုိင္ငံကုိ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာအျပည့္နဲ႔ တည္ေဆာက္ခ်င္တယ္။ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္း၊ စစ္မွန္ၿပီး ဂုဏ္သိကၡာရွိတဲ့ လူထုအေျချပဳလူ႔အဖြဲ႔အစည္းျဖစ္ေအာင္သူမလုပ္ခ်င္ေနတယ္”

က်ေနာ္တုိ႔သားသမီးေတြအတုယူတန္ဖုိးထားတဲ့ လြတ္လပ္ေရးဖခင္ႀကီးေတြ၊ အာဇာနည္ႀကီးေတြလုိ ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုၾကည္ဟာလည္း ယေန႔ က်ေနာ့္တုိ႔ခေလးေတြရဲ ႔ စံျပပုဂၢဳိလ္ျဖစ္တယ္။

က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ျမန္မာျပည္က လူငယ္ေတြဟာ ျပည္ပမွာ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနတာေတာင္ ေဒၚစုဆီကေန စိတ္ဓာတ္ခြန္အားနဲ႔ တုိင္းျပည္ခ်စ္စိတ္ေတြအျပည့္အ၀ရရွိေနတုံးပဲ။ သူတုိ႔အားလုံးရဲ ႔ေခါင္းထဲမွာ ေဒၚစုဟာ အမွန္တရား၊ တရားမွ်တမႈ နဲ႔ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းမႈကုိ ကုိယ္စားျပဳတယ္လုိ႔ သတ္မွတ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္ရုိးရုိးသားသားယုံၾကည္တာကေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ျမန္မာျပည္ကလူငယ္ေတြဟာ အေမွာင္ထဲမွာ လမ္းျပႏုိင္မဲ့လူ၊ သူတုိ႔အတြက္ တရားမွ်တမႈရွိရွိ ဦးေဆာင္လမ္းျပေပးႏုိင္မဲ့ စံျပပုဂၢဳိလ္တစ္ဦးကို အရမ္းအလုိရွိေနတယ္ဆုိပါပဲ။

အကယ္၍သာ ျမန္မာျပည္က လူငယ္ေတြအေနနဲ႔ ၂၀၀၈-ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံအေျခခံဥပေဒတခုတည္းကုိပဲ ေရြးစရာလမ္းရွိတယ္ဆုိပါစုိ႔။ ဒီဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံကလည္း သိတဲ့အတုိင္းပဲ။ စစ္အာဏာရွင္သက္ဆုိးရွည္ေရးကုိ ဦးတည္ထားတဲ့ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံဆုိေတာ့ အနာဂတ္မွာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔လူငယ္ေတြရဲ ႔အေျခအေနဟာ ဒိထက္ပုိဆုိးဖုိ႔ပဲရွိပါေတာ့တယ္။ ၂၀၀၈-ဖြဲ႔စည္းပုံဟာ စစ္အာဏာရွင္ေတြလုိခ်င္တဲ့ လူနည္းစုကသာ အနာဂတ္မွာ အာဏာကုိေရရွည္ ဆုပ္ကိုင္ထားခ်င္တဲ့အေျခအေနကုိ တုိင္းျပည္မွာဖန္တီးေနျခင္းသာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တတိယအင္အားစုေတြထဲမွာ ျပည္ပက ထင္ရွားတဲ့ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြရွိပါတယ္။ ပုိလုိ႔ထူးျခားတာက အေနာက္တုိင္း တုိင္းျပည္ေတြမွာသူတုိ႔ မိတ္ေဆြရွိေနပါတယ္။ ဒီလူေတြက ျမန္မာျပည္ထဲမွာ အတိုက္အခံအင္အားစုကုိ ျပန္ၿပီး အတိုက္အခံလုပ္ဖုိ႔ အင္အားစုတစ္ရပ္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ အခ်ိန္နဲ႔ေငြကုိ အသုံးျပဳၿပီးတည္ေဆာင္ေနပါၿပီ။


လက္ရွိအေျခအေနမွာ ေဒၚစု နဲ႔ NLD ဟာ စစ္အစုိးရမကဘူး၊ တတိယအင္အားစုကပါ တုိက္ခိုက္တာကုိ ခံေနရပါၿပီ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ မပူပါနဲ႔။ ျပည္တြင္းက NLD အဖြဲ႔၀င္ေတြဟာ တတိယအင္အားစုရဲ ႔စိန္ေခၚခ်က္ေတြကုိ ျပန္လည္တုံ႔ျပန္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ဒါမွ က်ေနာ္တုိ႔ ရဲ ႔စစ္မွန္တဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီေရးလႈပ္ရွားမႈဟာ ပုိၿပီးအားေကာင္းလာမွာျဖစ္ပါတယ္။

ျပည္တြင္းကလူထုဟာ ၁၉၉၀ မွာ သူတုိ႔ရဲ ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ကုိ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့တယ္။ အနာဂတ္မွာလည္း သူတုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ကုိ သူတုိ႔ကုိယ္တုိင္ေရြးခ်ယ္အုံးမွာျဖစ္တယ္။ လူထုအေနနဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ လုပ္သင့္တာကုိ ခဏခဏ ျပခဲ့ၿပီးပီ။ သူတုိ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ဟာ ဘယ္သူျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ေျပာခဲ့ၿပီးပီ။ ဥပမာ လြန္ခဲ့ ၂၀၀၇-ခုႏွစ္ ဘုန္းႀကီးကိစၥက သက္ေသပဲ ။ ဒီတခါမွာလည္း လူထုဟာ ကုိယ့္နည္းကုိယ့္ဟန္နဲ႔ သူတုိ႔ ဘာလုိခ်င္တာလဲဆုိကုိ ထပ္ျပပါလိမ့္မယ္။

ကုိေအာင္မုိးေဇာ္သည္ လက္ရွိ လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ပါတီ၏ ဥကၠဌ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လူ႔ေဘာင္သစ္ဒီမုိကရက္တစ္ပါတီသည္ ၁၉၉၀ ကာလမ်ားတြင္ ဒုတိယအင္အားအႀကီးဆုံး ႏုိင္ငံေရးပါတီျဖစ္ပါသည္။ လက္ရွိပါတီဌာနခ်ဳပ္သည္ ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တြင္ အေျခစိုက္သည္။ 

ကုိေအာင္မုိးေဇာ္ရဲ ႔ Building an Opposition to the Opposition ေဆာင္းပါကုိ ဆီေလွ်ာ္ေအာင္ဘာသာျပန္ထားျခင္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ယခုေဆာင္းပါးသည္ ဧရာ၀တီမဂၢဇင္းအင္တာနက္စာမ်က္ႏွာတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သည့္ေဆာင္းပါျဖစ္ပါသည္။ စာေရးသူဆုိလုိခ်က္ မွားယြင္းမႈရွိပါက ဘာသာျပန္သူ၏ အမွားသာျဖစ္ပါသည္။

Building an Opposition to the Opposition (By Aung Moe Zaw)

July 20, 2010

Photo from Ko Aung Moe Zaw's facebook

It is popular today to say that Burmese civil society can be built without a struggle despite the present environment created and controlled by a military regime to ensure that people live according to their rules.

It is popular today to talk of engaging the regime which itself has refused to engage with the political party that won the last election and for whom meaningful engagement comes in twenty minute pseudo meetings with UN envoys.

It is also popular to suggest that foreign aid could open the door to a new society in Burma, even after those with bountiful aid for the disaster stricken delta after Cyclone Nargis were rejected and refused. Such views are popular among some intellectuals, a few political and NGO elites, and a few business people. It is the rhetoric of those who make up a “third force” in today's political culture.

Burma fatigue has set in for sections of the international community, and the third force has exploited the fatigue and frustrations. It offers the image of a slowly built civil society bringing gradual change to Burma. They lobby the international community to engage with the regime, to lift sanctions which they say are the cause of the poverty of the Burmese people and not the regime, and they challenge and discredit the strategies and principles of the pro-democracy movement.

When the National League for Democracy (NLD) was officially banned by the regime, the third force suggested that the entire political program of the opposition should be abandoned, and that civil society should fill the void in collaboration with the state. A prominent exiled activist who shared some of these views publicly said that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD were history.

Perhaps this third force is actually competing for the position that the NLD and Suu Kyi hold instead of focusing on civil society building on the ground.

The process of building civil society is indeed part of the struggle for a democratic society and everyone supports it. Civil society will not just suddenly appear, like ordering lunch. It grows out of the struggle of the people, from their social and political actions, from their blood, from their sweat, from their years in prisons.

The third force seems to suggest that a civil society can be built by surrendering the principles and aspirations of the democracy movement. What kind of civil society will that build? No doubt, one similar to that breeding in the corridors of the power in Naypyidaw.

They discredit Suu Kyi, a symbol of the resistance against injustice not only in our society but around the world, a democratic symbol because she lives by her principles and would build a nation that could live in dignity with a true civil society. She should be the ideal for our sons and daughters, just as we value her father and our independence heroes.

Our young people, from different ethnic nationalities, from different social backgrounds, our young people who migrate to neighboring countries to support their families and communities, get strength and inspiration from Suu Kyi. They all know that she represents truth, justice and peace.

Some people might think that I don't respect different views. I simply believe that our young people need role models who inspire and guide, role models who have kept alive the candle of social justice, even in the darkest times.

If our young people are only offered the 2008 Constitution, the military style elections and the regime's “road map” to democracy as the only way to achieve social justice, our future will be as grim as our current situation. Such a course would only serve the regime by creating an oligarchy and a new elite class which the regime is now working to install in our society to continue patronizing our people in the future.

It's surprising and absurd that this third force, which also includes a handful of prominent exiles, spends its time and energy building an opposition against the opposition inside Burma. Most surprisingly, they have friends in Western democracies.

Apparently, the opposition movement to the pro-democracy opposition is gaining a voice and the challenges ahead for Suu Kyi and NLD members involve not only the regime but also this third force. But NLD members will rise to the challenge, and it will only strengthen their work.

The people of Burma chose their leaders in the 1990 elections; they will choose their leaders in the future, way or another. They have reaffirmed their desired leadership several times already, most recently in the 2007 demonstrations. They will find their own way to reaffirm it again.

Aung Moe Zaw is chairman of the exiled Democratic Party for New Society.

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